EI and Guaranteed Annual Income
I’m back in the office after some time off for health reasons and a family vacation, so I’m catching up on several months worth of reading. Today, I came across the September issue of Policy Options, which focused on Employment Insurance. While the articles clearly present the flaws of EI – in addition to a few flaws that only economists worry about – I found the proposed solutions to be quite limited.
However, I was also surprised to discover that Tom Courchene and John Allan advocate for a revised EI in the context of a guaranteed annual income. (I can’t link to the article, but you can click through to it from the main page).They argue that EI should be restructured as an insurance program, limiting benefits to a weeks-worked basis that applies evenly across the country. But to achieve social policy goals of income security and redistribution, they propose a guaranteed annual income in a Negative Income Tax version.
They recommend “making the basic personal and spousal amounts (and perhaps others) under the income tax refundable and payable monthly to adults, with the associated tax-back occurring in the context of filing one’s tax return.” One source of funding would be the anticipated savings in the Canada Social Transfer if provinces need to pay less in welfare because of the GAI.
Courchene and Allan explicitly refer to the recommendation of the Macdonald Commission in 1985, which also proposed a restructured EI and a Universal Income Support Program. That proposal was, of course, universally unpopular among social justice advocates because of its subsistence level income. It is not clear what level Courchene and Allan think is appropriate for a GAI, but since they mention only the basic personal amount and spousal amount, it does not seem to be a very high figure.
Interestingly, the article also refers to a report that I didn’t know about before – the 1986 Newfoundland Royal Commission on Employment and Unemployment – which also recommends a GAI. Like the Macdonald Commission, this report recommended a three-fold approach comprising income support, or GAI; income supplementation, a program like the Working Income Tax Benefit; and income maintenance, or unemployment insurance.
So 25 years later, the debate seems to be in the same place.
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Chandra Pasma is a former CPJ Public Justice Policy Analyst.
"So 25 years later, the debate seems to be in the same place."
This is part of the grounds John Stapleton used to put forward an alternative based on the programs we currently have for seniors in his Income Security for Working-Age Adults (http://www.metcalffoundation.com/downloads/Income Support For Adults November 08.pdf): "If that is the basic 'DNA' for successful income security programs in Canada, should we not think twice before we attempt to create something entirely new and untested, such as a Guaranteed Annual Income program for all Canadians? ... This model could be more effective than trying to restore tax and welfare benefits to earlier levels – a politically unpopular strategy. [It] may also be more politically realistic than the one-size-fits-all idea of a Guaranteed
Annual Income."
I'm torn between the two: Do we try to build a compromise with a reasonable level of benefits and a model that's more attractive to the majority of people? Or do we try to shift the debate so that the (seemingly) more efficient and - by John's own account - more politically secure guaranteed annual income is a real possibility? With the social assistance review coming up, perhaps we put the idea of a GAI on the table as the ultimate goal, but also point out intermediate steps and other ways the province could tackle the issues. Whatever it is, though, it has to 1) Raise base rates and 2) Reduce METRs. I just don't know how to accomplish the latter without a GAI.
Many thanks for your work on this, Chandra.
Hi Robbie,
I know that dilemma well! I think it comes down to a both/and approach. On the one hand, we want to see social assistance (and other income assistance programs) replaced with the more transparent, more dignified, more secure GAI. On the other, we'll take any changes that improve social assistance and income security programs if we can get them.
But I also think it helps to put GAI in the larger context of poverty elimination. We know that a GAI won't achieve poverty elimination by itself, because there are other variables involved - like the cost of housing, cost of raising a family, health issues, and what we might call capabilities issues (using the Amartya Sen model). So we still need a variety of social programs and a certain social infrastructure in order for all people to be able to live with dignity in strong families and strong communities. So any positive change in social architecture can be viewed as a step toward that - even if down the road we'd like to see the program replaced entirely with a GAI.
Also, without responding to John Stapleton specifically, I think the most successful example we have of drastically reducing poverty has been seniors poverty, where OAS/GIS have been instrumental. OAS/GIS are basically a GAI targeted to seniors. So couldn't we expect the same great results if we extended the target demographic to working age adults?
Mostly, yes. (And I completely agree that we will still need social support programs if there is a GAI - programs that build effective 'social capital' may be more useful than any re-shaping of income support systems.)
Stapleton argues that an income support program should look exactly like that:
1. a universal payment;
2. a top-up for low-income people;
3. registered, tax-saving instruments; and
4. matching or separate contributions to reward individual savings.
Mostly, I agree. The one point where it doesn't succeed as a copy and paste format is in METRs - Marginal Effective Tax Rates. Many current welfare recipients would like to work, but a structure that penalizes them heavily for earning is a major deterrent. With seniors, it's basically not an issue. If it was a single program, it still wouldn't be that bad, but with the 'stacking' of multiple support programs that each remove a chunk, METRs can approach or exceed 100% - you can actually be worse off with a job or a raise, in some cases. And while the Working Income Tax Benefit is a good idea, a tax credit a year later isn't going to substantially affect the decision of someone who's losing their support systems immediately. The two biggest reasons I like a GAI are that it cuts the stigma of welfare and does away with the clawback of benefits. Any means-tested program must, by definition, increase METRs for low- or no-income earners, even if placed on top of a universal benefit.
Does that mean there are no ways to make a means-tested program work? No. Pat Capponi and others have called for a 6-month grace period on earnings that would allow people to get their feet on the ground before facing a clawback. We need some good behavioural economics studies of what works and what doesn't. Hmm, I think I just found a research topic.
Thanks for your all of your insights and for continuing to hold this issue up.
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